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Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Faced with current and future ecological and social challenges, there has been a growing trend in Europe in recent years towards the criminalisation of civil society and social movements, particularly when it comes to agricultural and food issues. Organisations and individuals defending an alternative agricultural model and shared resource management are facing increasing threats. Once largely ignored and marginalized, their actions are now more often than not monitored, repressed or even criminalized1. In Germany, between January 2022 and February 2023, in Berlin, more than 2,500 legal proceedings2 were brought against the Letzte Generation’s environmental activists. In the rest of the country, searches are being carried out to combat the NGO, accused of being a criminal organisation3. In the UK, two Just Stop Oil’s activists who took part in blocking a bridge were sentenced to more than two years' imprisonment. In France, in 2019, following actions by anti-speciesist movements, an intelligence unit called Déméter (...) was set up within the national gendarmerie. Its aim is to "identify and prosecute attacks, intrusions and damage on farms", prevent "actions of an ideological nature" and combat "agricultural crime". A number of organisations have drawn attention to the actions of this unit, which seems to be more focused on the repression of activists4.
In such a context, what room for maneuver do civil society organisations have?
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
Many NGOs across Europe are raising the alarm about measures, sanctions and intimidation targeting their activists as an obstacle to their right to inform the public about the damaging effects of agribusiness and finance speculation. However, all awareness-raising - whether social, environmental or political - requires sufficient access to quality information. Although Europe is one of the world's 'good performers' in terms of press freedom, the situation seems to be deteriorating in several countries56. Between media concentration and more or less direct threats to journalists7 (intimidation, gagging and even attempted assassination8), the work of French journalists is often prevented on issues relating to agriculture and food, as it has been the case for corruption, organised crime, migration, etc.. Faced with these multiple threats, a number of journalists have come together to form independent media and organisations (Disclose, Médiapart, Splann !, Lighthouse Report, Blast, etc.), often funded by the public, to support them in their investigative work. A number of these outlets have recently started to focus specifically on food production and consumption.
On the judicial front too, as Amnesty International has documented for almost two decades concerning migrants and refugees9, we are witnessing the increased criminalisation of people striving for shared access to natural resources. In recent years, numerous laws initially adopted to fight terrorism have been used against environmental activists. No longer seen as defenders of the planet's liveability, but rather as “eco-terrorists”, their intentions have been widely vilified, and their capacity for action considerably limited.. In France, a new threshold was crossed with the adoption of the so-called "law to combat separatism", initially intended to combat "radical Islamism" and used against all activists to repress acts "likely to cause disturbance to public order". In the Netherlands, the case of Frank van der Linde, a pacifist activist harassed by the police, whose personal data was passed on to Europol for "terrorism"10, is further proof of this. This case shows how, on the one hand, it is intentions, not actions, that are subjected to scrutiny by law enforcement. On the other, a peaceful activist is labeled a "terrorist" and his personal data has been transferred to Europol, highlighting the large quantities of personal data that the European police agency has on people who are however not linked to any criminal activity - a long-running trend for many migrants in Europe. It also raises the question of citizens’ ability to access the same personal data.
These different mechanisms lead to the isolation of movements and activists, against which it is not only necessary but, above all, possible to fight. This requires our networks to be able to multiply the tools (scientific studies, awareness-raising, legal action, advocacy, etc.) that enable us to draw up an accurate picture of the situation11 and rally as many people as possible to our causes. Of course, not all organisations have the resources (human, financial) to develop or mobilise these tools. That's where the collective comes into its own by weaving links between civil society structures, sharing knowledge, pooling skills and the resources needed to defend the general interest against the mechanisms of criminalisation. This enables us to provide activists and organisations with effective tools to fight and defend themselves, by training them in possible methods of action as well as on their rights. It gives organisations that do not have a legal department access to the resources they need to defend themselves (tools, lists of lawyers, etc.), as well as enabling them to benefit from the experience of movements that have already had to deal with the same type of situation, such as those helping refugees and migrants12. In France, L.A. Coalition13 provides civil society players with tools and analyses to protect associative freedoms. In Europe, the Civitates programme was launched by a number of foundations to combat the shrinking of democracy and civic space14 by allocating grants to organisations working on trans-disciplinary issues related to democratic health, such as independent public interest journalism.
In short, networking, coordination and solidarity between organisations and individuals is imperative, particularly as it enables the necessary tools, resources and expertise to be pooled.We need to build bridges and develop new narratives - which is what Healthy Food Healthy Planet sets out to do!
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
References
[1] Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on theProtection of Environmental Defenders, plans to publish a report on the subjectby 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/03/30/a-sainte-soline-la-reponse-de-l-etat-m-a-paru-largement-disproportionnee-selon-le-rapporteur-special-de-l-onu-sur-les-defenseurs-de-l-environnement_6167594_3244.html ;
[4] https://reporterre.net/La-cellule-de-gendarmerie-Demeter-harcele-les-opposants-a-l-agro-industrie
[5] See the evolution of Reporter Sans Frontières'rankings until 2023 https://rsf.org/fr/classement?year=2023
[6] European Commission report on the rule of lawin EU countries - July 5th 2023 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_3631
[7] LeMonde - The Media Freedom Act, the EU's future press freedom law, couldauthorise spying on journalists. - June 20 th 2023https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2023/06/20/a-bruxelles-la-future-loi-sur-la-liberte-des-medias-pourrait-autoriser-l-espionnage-des-journalistes_6178469_3234.html
[8] Morgane Large, a journalist investigating the agro-industryin Brittany, had the wheels of her car dismantled. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2021/04/11/deboulonner-une-roue-de-la-voiture-de-la-journaliste-morgan-large-n-est-pas-un-geste-d-intimidation-mais-une-tentative-de-blesser-ou-de-tuer_6076344_3232.html
[10]https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/call-them-crazy-criminalisation-of-activists-undermines-rule-of-law-in-the-eu/
[11] https://www.european-group.org/criminalisation-of-dissent-and-activism/
[13] https://www.lacoalition.fr
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